Holy Roman Empire

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In St. Petersburg, watching the report of the battle in his hands, Alexander II’s face lost its joy, leaving only a heavy sorrow.

The Russian Army had achieved a major victory at the front, strategically pressing the enemy to the point they could barely breathe, inching closer and closer to war victory.

Yet, behind these victories lay stacks of white bones built by Russian soldiers. Seeing the ever-increasing number of casualties, Alexander II admitted he was afraid.

This world was not only made up of Prussia and Russia; the Russian Empire had many enemies. What to do after winning the war at such a great cost?

…

Foreign Minister Gerard Yeserot: "Your Majesty, this morning the Austrian Envoy in St. Petersburg sent us a diplomatic note, with the Vienna Government proposing an international conference to mediate this war." n/o/vel/b//in dot c//om

Alexander II nodded his head: "It has finally come."

It was as if a sigh of relief, mixed with a hint of unease, escaped him.

After a moment’s pause, Alexander II asked, "What conditions have the Austrians offered?"

Foreign Minister Gerard Yeserot shook his head: "It’s just an ordinary diplomatic note; the Austrians have not made their position clear.

Given the current situation, the Vienna Government is unlikely to take a stance easily."

That was the truth, as the Vienna Government really had a tough choice to make. Between interests and public sentiments, no matter the choice, it would be wrong.

Since it couldn’t choose, it decided not to take a stance and wait for further developments in the situation before making its position clear.

By now, Austria didn’t need to pick sides to survive; their share of the profits would not be missed whether they acted sooner or later.

After hesitating for a while, Alexander II made a decision: "Tell Austria we agree to the mediation.

Prepare the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the negotiations. A tough battle lies ahead. The soldiers’ blood must not be shed in vain; we must not give up at the negotiation table what we’ve gained on the battlefield."

The game of diplomacy, though smokeless, is no less intense than the battlefield.

Since England, France, and Austria established a new international system, the outcome of European wars can no longer be determined by battles alone.

A military victory is just a start; the final allocation of benefits must still be decided at the negotiation table.

Of course, Russia is also a great power and has a voice. It will not be at the mercy of others. A victory on the battlefield gives an absolute advantage at the negotiation table. The difference is only in the size of the gains.

…

The Tsarist Government agreed; the Berlin Government had no reason to disagree. They were the ones unable to hold on, and even the radicals in the army knew the tide had turned. If they didn’t negotiate now, they would have no capital left to negotiate with.

The war had gone on so long that, in the Kingdom of Prussia alone, not fewer than four hundred thousand had died in battle. If you add those who died of illness or wounds, that number might grow by another two or three hundred thousand.

Just considering those dead, the number was six to seven hundred thousand, not to mention the injured and disabled. A permanent reduction in manpower of over a million was not at all an exaggeration.

For Prussia, with just over ten million people, it was as if every household was in mourning, every individual in tears. Except for a few deeply poisoned, most had already woken from their dreams.

Fortunately, it was a time when the population was young, with a high proportion of working-age people. If it had been an aging society, they would have collapsed under such losses long ago.

At the Prussian Army headquarters, upon hearing the news of the negotiations, Marshal Maoqi seemed to age ten years overnight. The war had dealt him too great a blow.

The gap in strength could not be filled with personal power alone. To have fought so many victorious battles only to end the war in defeat amidst victory.

Having lost the war, Marshal Maoqi’s reputation as a great general was not diminished; on the contrary, it seemed to ring louder, an irony indeed.

Bearing his inner grief, Maoqi continued to fulfill his duty: "Order the troops to strengthen their guard, prevent the Russians from sneaking an attack."

Unlike past military defeats, this time, there was little domestic criticism of him as the supreme commander.

Perhaps the blow was too grievous, leaving everyone without the strength to complain. No one clamored for a change of generals, nor did anyone call for his punishment.

"Yes, Marshal."

"Yes, Marshal."

…

The weak responses one after another made Maoqi’s face grow grimmer: "Has nobody had anything to eat? All of you, listless, look at yourselves. Do you still resemble soldiers?

It’s just one lost war, not like we haven’t lost before. Our forefathers survived; what makes us any different?"

No one responded, and from their expressions, most looked ashamed, while a few seemed indifferent.

There is no greater sorrow than a dead heart. The more people understood, the less confident they were in Prussia.

The European geopolitical landscape had largely stabilized, and it was too difficult for Prussia to turn the tide. Many had already lost hope.

Seeing that his words had little effect, Maoqi sighed in resignation. A few harsh words might awaken a confused man, but they are of little use to someone already aware.

"Enough, regardless of what you think. As long as you wear this uniform, you must fulfill your responsibilities.

At this point, I do not expect you to be brave and capable in battle, to turn defeat into victory on the battlefield.

Just do your duty, do not give the enemy an opportunity to exploit, and preserve Prussia’s last assets. That will be the best reward you can offer to the country that raised you."

…

In London, as news of Prussia and Russia accepting Austria’s mediation spread, the British Government seemed to be shrouded in dark clouds.

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Prime Minister Benjamin, "Austria is convening the Vienna Peace Conference, and both Prussia and Russia have accepted the invitation. Britannia’s hegemony is being challenged, and we must take action."

Although it is a tripartite rule of England, France, and Austria, Britannia is still the default leader. This time, the Vienna Peace Conference has clearly broken this convention.

The London Government was unable to mediate the Prusso-Russian War but instead allowed the Austrians to facilitate it, meaning that the British influence on the European Continent has fallen behind.

If it were any other region, it wouldn’t matter—the global hegemony of the Great Britain Empire hasn’t penetrated every area, and losing regional supremacy in one or two places is bearable.

But not Europe, for in this era, the center of the world is Europe. The difference between European hegemony and world supremacy is only a fine line.

Whether from an economic or military perspective, the European Continent surpasses the rest of the world combined. Securing European hegemony is tantamount to essentially establishing world supremacy.

The British Government cannot tolerate this happening. Though Austria’s convening the Vienna Peace Conference does not equate to seizing European hegemony, it still undermines Britannia’s implicit dominance on the European Continent.

Destruction is always easier than construction. It took centuries of effort for Britannia to establish its position in Europe, and now that it has been challenged, recovery is almost impossible.

As the world’s hegemon, the British have appropriated too many interests. It’s not just Austria that covets those benefits, but in fear of British prestige, no one dares to act.

Once Austria has made the first move, if the London Government doesn’t promptly react to dispel the delusions of other countries, they will find themselves embroiled in endless probing and provocations, with no peace in sight.

Foreign Minister Edward, "We can’t influence the Russians, and the Berlin Government is truly unable to hold out any longer; it’s simply impossible for them to reject Austria’s proposal.

It’s no longer feasible to directly undermine Austria’s plans from the Peace Conference. We must retaliate from other angles.

Perhaps we can increase our investments and hasten the establishment of the North German Empire. Cutting off Austria’s dream of a Central European Empire should deter the other European nations."

Previously, the London Government had also been scheming for the North German Empire, but due to concerns over Austria’s reaction, they had been pushing from behind the scenes. Now that faces have been shown, there’s no need for courtesy.

Chancellor Garfield opposed, saying, "Establishing the North German Empire won’t be easy; most of the German Confederation member states are only mildly interested, and the Austrians might sabotage it, making success unlikely.

Taking a direct stand to promote it—well, if it were successful, that’s fine, but if the plan fails, it would be another blow to our reputation.

Continuous failures could make our allies waver. Right now, it’s better to secure Prussia first, and then consider how to retaliate against Austria."

How many ways does Britannia have to retaliate against Austria?

The answer is: quite a lot.

Either it’s too little influence to achieve the goal, or there’s a potential backlash that could boomerang on us if not handled well.

For instance: causing trouble in the colonies.

But all they could really affect were backwater regions; even if successful, the impact would be minimal and wouldn’t cause a stir in the European world.

Blockading the seas and hindering navigation is another method.

Regrettably, it couldn’t be done openly—the Royal Navy could masquerade as pirates, as could the Austrian Navy. That tactic would be mutually harmful.

The most effective way is still to cause trouble on the European Continent. This poses a challenge to the London Government, as their influence in Europe has suffered since cooling relations with France.

If France’s enforcers were still around, Franz wouldn’t be causing trouble at this time.

Foreign Minister Edward shook his head, "Sir, do we have a choice?

If we don’t suppress Austria, more countries will emerge with challenges. By then, we will be overwhelmed and won’t have the capacity to retaliate against Austria.

Establishing North Germany was already part of our initial plan. With the Kingdom of Prussia’s devastating defeat, the odds of success have risen."

The calamity that has befallen the Kingdom of Prussia has diminished the fear of the North German Empire among European nations. Many countries that were originally opposed might even offer support.

Interest dictates this stance. The Berlin Government’s debt borrowing isn’t without its advantages—now the creditors have to take care of their own wallets when es nx international issues.

For instance, France hasn’t lent much for this war, but they have dispensed a considerable amount of money to Prussia and Poland before.

Poland is gone, and nobody can make Russia regurgitate it. All these debts have now fallen on the Berlin Government, which under normal circumstances could never repay them.

In order to honor these debts, we must help restore Prussia’s economy, which will require further investment, something the French surely don’t want to continue funding.

The importance of the North German Empire becomes apparent at this point. As the Central Government, they certainly can’t watch member states collapse. Even if they don’t directly repay Prussia’s debts, they would have to provide financial aid and help the Kingdom of Prussia recover economically.

A loose German Confederation poses no threat to France’s interests and can even obstruct Austria’s unification of Central Europe, making support from the Paris Government very likely.

Even the Russian Empire can be bought, despite the recent bloodshed between Prussia and Russia. Many things can be negotiated with the right interests in place.

A Prussia weakened by war has lost the strength to threaten the Russian Empire, and even uniting with the Germans to form the North German Empire would not change that.

Population and territorial size define the limits of this fledgling nation; it will never reach the former Prusso-Polish federation’s level. Not to mention the multitude of member states within that government cannot unify their forces.

The Tsarist Government is desperately poor; after finally winning the war, they will undoubtedly seek to demand a hefty war indemnity.

Getting the Berlin Government to sign a treaty for reparations is easy, but getting the Kingdom of Prussia to actually pay is another matter.

Without support for Prussia’s survival, let alone paying war reparations, post-war pensions alone could bankrupt the nation.

Besides, there are Russian-Austrian relations to consider. It’s impossible for the Tsarist Government to have no wariness towards Austria.

The two have avoided falling out only because they are interdependent. After the war, Russia’s need for Austria will gradually decrease, and relations will shift from allies to competitors—it’s just a matter of time.

Without taking the lead, it’s reasonable for the Tsarist Government not to reject a move that would limit Austria."